Posts com Tag ‘freedom’

Da Redação do UOL

A Assembleia Nacional Francesa aprovou nesta terça-feira (17) uma lei chamada LOPPSI II (Lei de Orientação e Programação para a Segurança Interior, em tradução livre). Dentre as propostas dessa lei, que tem como objetivo tornar a França um lugar “mais seguro”, está a possibilidade do governo instalar trojans em computadores para monitorar pessoas. Para ser colocada em prática, a lei necessita passar ainda por exame em mais duas instâncias.

O projeto de lei, segundo informações do site britânico “The Register” e da PC World americana, foi aprovada na Assembleia Nacional por 312 votos contra 214 e abrange várias áreas como o combate à pornografia infantil, a pedofilia e a criminalização do roubo de identidades online.

A LOPPSI II prevê o aumento de gastos da polícia, através de investimentos em monitoramento de câmeras, aumento de penas para quem roubar identidades na internet, a ampliação do acesso ao banco de dados de DNA da polícia nacional e o possibilidade de grampo em linhas telefônicas e monitoramento de acesso à internet.

Outra proposta controversa é a que obriga os provedores a bloquear ou filtrar endereços de internet, que o governo julgue necessário.

Em um relatório que analisa a economia dos negócios de pornografia infantil, o jornalista Fabrice Epelboin alega que o filtro de URLs não é eficiente, pois esses conteúdos continuarão sendo compartilhados em redes de compartilhamento ponto a ponto. Entidades de defesa à liberdade na internet, como a Quadrature du Net, alertam que a LOPPSI II “deixa a porta aberta a excessos perigosos e deve ser revista com salvaguardas rigorosas, ou ser completamente rejeitada”.

De acordo com um estudo da Federação Francesa de Telecomunicações, citado pelo deputado Lionel Tardy, a filtragem de conteúdo custaria à França cerca de 140 milhões de euros.

Deputados da oposição ainda tentaram vetar o bloqueio de URLs e sugeriram que os filtros de internet fossem implantados provisoriamente, para verificar se serão eficazes, porém a maioria governista rejeitou a proposta.

Atualizado às 20h39

Os senadores liberaram a cobertura jornalística na internet no período eleitoral em sessão realizada nesta terça-feira (15). No entanto, os debates eleitorais na web terão que seguir as regras para TV e rádio. O projeto segue agora para a Câmara dos Deputados. 

O que você acha das mudanças aprovadas 

O senador Eduardo Azeredo (PSDB-MG) recuou de seu próprio projeto e acatou, na última hora, a proposta do senador Aloizio Mercadante (PT-SP) – que libera o uso da internet durante a campanha eleitoral -, vedado o anonimato e assegurado o direito de resposta para quem se sentir atacado.

Pela proposta inicial de Azeredo, sites estariam proibidos de “dar tratamento privilegiado a candidato, partido ou coligação, sem motivo jornalístico que justifique”. Ou seja, estariam impedidos de declarar apoio a um ou outro candidato. Com o recuo de Azeredo, isso agora está permitido.

Sobre os debates com os candidatos, os sites terão de seguir as mesmas regras de debate aplicadas à TV e rádio. Ou seja, terão de chamar ao menos dois terços dos candidatos e todos integrantes de partidos que tem ao menos 10 deputados federais.

O direito de resposta continua previsto em qualquer blog de pessoa física, no Twitter e em redes sociais como Orkut e Facebook.

Senadores comemoram fim da “censura” na web

Poucos minutos depois da aprovação, senadores se manifestaram sobre a liberdade de opinião na internet. O senador Aloizio Mercadante (PT-SP) disse no microblog Twitter que agora “é livre a manifestação de pensamento na internet durante as eleições”. Pouco antes, o também senador petista Delcídio Amaral (MS) afirmou no microblog: “O bom senso e a pressão dos internautas (não necessariamente nesta ordem) foram fatais para a aprovação da liberação da web em 2010”. Já a senadora Serys Slhessarenko (PT-MT) disse que os senadores derrubaram “a censura à internet”.

Os provedores de conteúdo na internet também estariam proibidos de expressar a preferência por um ou outro candidato. Da mesma forma, charges e montagens também estariam vedadas pela proposta relatada pelo deputado Flávio Dino (PCdoB-MA), na Câmara dos Deputados. Agora, tudo isso está liberado de acordo com a nova proposta de Azeredo. Essas práticas também já são permitidas em veículos impressos. 

Cabe agora à Câmara decidir se mantém o texto aprovado nesta terça no Senado ou se retoma as restrições ao texto de Flávio Dino que havia sido aprovado na Casa. 

Nova eleição para substituir cassado
Os senadores aprovaram também nesta terça-feira (15) uma emenda ao projeto de reforma eleitoral que prevê novas eleições quando um prefeito, governador ou presidente for cassado junto com o seu vice. Além disso, aprovaram também que as doações para políticos devem continuar ocultas até o dia da eleição. 

A emenda sobre a substituição dos políticos cassados é de autoria do senador Tasso Jereissatti (PSDB-CE) e é contrária ao entendimento atual do TSE (Tribunal Superior Eleitoral).

Como não há legislação sobre o assunto, o tribunal determina que o segundo colocado na eleição assuma o cargo quando o político eleito no segundo turno for cassado.

Saiba quem votou contra e a favor da continuidade das doações ocultas

Foi o que aconteceu quando o TSE julgou o governador da Paraíba, Cassio Cunha Lima (PSDB). O tucano foi cassado pelo TSE em 18 de fevereiro deste ano e, no lugar dele, assumiu o segundo colocado, José Maranhão (PMDB).

Outro caso semelhante foi o de Jackson Lago (PDT), governador do Maranhão. Ele foi cassado no dia 16 de abril deste ano. No lugar dele assumiu a senadora Roseana Sarney (PMDB).

O pai dela, o presidente do Senado José Sarney (PMDB-AP), era contrário à proposta e havia adiado a votação na última quarta-feira (9). O senador voltou atrás nessa semana e aceitou as mudanças de Tasso.

No caso de eleitos no primeiro turno, o TSE determina a realização de eleições indiretas na Assembleia Legislativa do Estado para escolher o substituto do cassado.

Senado aprova emenda que libera sites de campanha nas 48 horas antes da eleição

O Senado aprovou também nesta terça-feira emenda à lei eleitoral que permite aos candidatos manter os sites de campanha no ar nas 48 horas que antecedem a disputa nas urnas. Com a mudança, os candidatos estarão livres para fazer campanhas em seus sites pessoais durante a disputa nas urnas.

Doações continuam ocultas antes da eleição
Os senadores decidiram também nesta terça-feira (15) que as doações para políticos devem continuar ocultas até o dia da eleição. O eleitor só saberá quem doou para cada candidato só depois de ter votado.

Atualmente, o político só é obrigado a fazer declarações genéricas antes da eleição. Nessas declarações, o candidato não é obrigado a divulgar quem são os doadores. Os partidos, por sua vez, só devem fazer as declarações no ano seguinte à eleição, o que dificulta a fiscalização das contas pela Justiça Eleitoral.

Ao todo, 39 senadores votaram contra a emenda e 23 votaram a favor.

Pela emenda rejeitada, de autoria do senador Eduardo Suplicy (PT-SP), os eleitores teriam acesso a uma lista com os doadores de cada candidato entre os dias 6 e 30 de setembro. O texto rejeitado também obrigava os partidos a declararem as doações antes das eleições realizadas no mês de outubro.

O texto aprovado também permite a doação indireta por meio dos partidos políticos. Desta forma, os doadores não precisam ter seus nomes ligados aos candidatos que desejam doar.

Para ter validade nas eleições de 2010, o projeto precisa ser aprovado no plenário do Senado, voltar à Câmara dos Deputados, ser sancionado pelo presidente Lula e ser publicado no Diário Oficial até o dia 3 de outubro – exatamente um ano antes da próxima eleição.
para as eleições 2010?

Do UOL Notícias
Em São Paulo

Médicos e psicólogos acompanharam sessões de interrogatórios da CIA com práticas de torturas para permitir que o uso da violência fosse o mais alto possível dentro dos parâmetros de “segurança”, o que representa uma violação também à ética desses profissionais, que juram proteger a vida humana.

A denúncia está em um relatório escrito pelo grupo Médicos pelos Direitos Humanos (PHR, na sigla em inglês), a partir de documentos da inteligência norte-americana que relatam práticas de interrogatório utilizadas contra suspeitos de atos terroristas. Segundo o PHR, há indícios de que tenham sido realizados até mesmo experimentos humanos ilegais para avaliar a reação dos detidos à tortura.

“Profissionais de saúde desempenharam um papel central no desenvolvimento, na implementação e na elaboração de justificativas para a prática de tortura”, afirma o relatório “Aiding Torture”.

“Médicos e psicólogos se envolveram em desenhar e monitorar dolorosas técnicas de interrogatório. Tal participação médica em tortura é uma clara violação da ética médica”, prossegue o documento. “O monitoramento de técnicas de interrogatório por profissionais médicos para determinar sua efetividade usa presos como objetos humanos sem consentimento e, portanto, se aproxima de experimentação ilegal”.

O relatório acrescenta que, “seguindo os requerimentos, todos os interrogatórios eram monitorados em tempo real por profissionais da saúde”, que mediam, por exemplo, o nível de oxigênio no sangue do interrogado durante uma simulação de afogamento. “Dessa forma, médicos eram usados para calibrar a dor e o sofrimento físico e mental”.

Advogados da CIA também estariam envolvidos na burocracia da tortura. O documento revela que esses profissionais deveriam reportar à agência se as práticas dos agentes poderiam ser classificadas como “tortura”. Para isso, os advogados recorriam aos médicos, responsáveis por analisar os “níveis de dor”. Casos como a simulação de afogamento, por exemplo, foram descritos como “não doloroso fisicamente”, o que facilitava a legitimação dessa prática do ponto de vista legal.

As denúncias feitas pelo grupo de médicos chega depois da divulgação de um relatório secreto da CIA, escrito em 2004, no qual são relatadas duras práticas contra os presos. Para conseguir informações, agentes ameaçaram os detidos com armas e furadeiras; prometiam estuprar e matar parentes dos interrogados; simulavam execuções em ambientes contíguos à sala do interrogatório; confinavam os suspeitos em caixas. 

Documento secreto da CIA sobre práticas de tortura

  • Arte UOL

Além da violência direta, a análise feita pelos Médicos pelos Direitos Humanos acrescenta que outras práticas aparentemente mais leves também tinham forte impacto psicológico entre os detidos, tais como raspagem forçada de barba e cabelo, manipulação da dieta, aplicação de vendas e uso obrigado de fraldas. A longo prazo, esse tipo de tratamento levavam a uma situação de debilidade mental e estresse traumático, denuncia o PHR.

Investigações
Depois que o relatório secreto da CIA veio a público, na última semana, o procurador-geral dos Estados Unidos, Eric Holder, nomeou o promotor John Durham para investigar se os interrogatórios com suspeitos de terrorismo foram ilegais.

“Concluí que a informação disponível justifica a abertura de uma investigação preliminar sobre de violaram as leis relacionadas com os interrogatórios de determinados presos em localidades no exterior”, afirmou o procurador-geral em um comunicado.

Durham, que recebeu a tarefa de conduzir as investigações, já está familiarizado com o tema. Desde 2008, o promotor analisa a destruição pela CIA de 92 vídeos contendo interrogatórios de prisioneiros.

O tema também mobiliza o presidente dos Estados Unidos, Barack Obama, que aprovou a criação de uma unidade especial de interrogatório no combate ao terrorismo.

A nova unidade, que deve ser supervisionado de perto pela Casa Branca, terá como objetivo garantir que os futuros interrogatórios estejam de acordo com o manual do exército dos EUA.

do Guia da Folha

Ampulhetas gigantes espalhadas pela cidade zeraram nesta sexta-feira (7) a contagem regressiva para que a lei antifumo entre em vigor. A partir de agora, fica proibido o fumo em locais fechados –incluindo restaurantes, bares e casas noturnas.

Pensando em uma alternativa para os fumantes, o Guia consultou cerca de 85 estabelecimentos e comprovou que ainda há muita confusão sobre o que pode ou não ser feito para adequar os espaços à norma. Selecionamos dezenas de locais onde ainda é possível dar tragos, entre comes e bebes. E isso sem deixar as marcas da fumaça nos vizinhos.

BARES

Bar Brahma Aeroclube
Localizado na região norte, dentro do Campo de Marte, tem uma pequena área na entrada rodeada por um jardim. Nesse deque, 16 mesas com guarda-sóis servirão clientes fumantes com chope da casa e cardápio assinado por Olivier Anquier. Não fumantes ficam no salão interior isolados por uma porta de vidro, que deve ser mantida fechada.
Informe-se sobre o local

Maria do Carmo/Folha Imagem
Senzala Bar e Grill (foto), que terá jardim isolado
Senzala Bar e Grill (foto), que terá jardim isolado para os fumantes

Bar Brahma
Até hoje (dia 7), garante que ficam prontas as adaptações para receber fumantes. Do boulevar, uma área coberta com varanda, serão retiradas as proteções laterais e o ambiente será isolado por meio de portas. Boa acomodação para os dias de chuva, ofecere 150 lugares.
Informe-se sobre o local

Bar da Dida
O pequenino bar, que um dia foi uma garagem, tem a maioria de suas mesas na calçada e no estacionamento do salão de beleza vizinho. Lá, em 13 mesas ao ar livre, fumantes podem aproveitar cerca de 40 rótulos de cachaça.
Informe-se sobre o local

Bardot Boteco Bistrô
No andar superior, o terraço passou a funcionar sem o toldo que o recobria para receber fumantes. Durante a chuva, entretanto, não há cobertura para proteger os visitantes. Até sexta, segundo os proprietários, será instalada uma porta para vedar o ambiente do resto da casa, como exige a lei.
Informe-se sobre o local

Champanharia Ovelha Negra
Ótima pedida para quem curte espumantes, o boteco classudo tem um espaço pequeno na entrada onde será permitido fumar. No local, mesas mais altas serão espalhadas para deixar a área mais aconchegante. As portas e janelas ficam fechadas para que a fumaça não se espalhe para o ambiente dos não fumantes.
Informe-se sobre o local

Corleonne
Com toldo retrátil, vai permitir que seus visitantes fumem no espaço externo. Nessa varanda, isolada por portas de vidro do interior do bar, estão dez mesas.
Informe-se sobre o local

Enoteca Decanter
O wine-bar dentro da importadora tem ambiente sofisticado, no qual impressiona a carta de vinhos com 50 opções da bebida servida em taça. A área externa, sem tantos requintes, tem apenas três mesas. Sem toldos ou proteção lateral, fica ao lado de um pequeno jardim, onde é possível fumar à vontade.
Informe-se sobre o local

Jacaré Grill
Apesar de não permitir o fumo em nenhum de seus ambientes, inaugurou um pequeno terraço instalado em sua entrada. Essa espécie de “pracinha” conta com oito mesas e alguns bancos de madeira. Mesmo simpática, não protege seus frequentadores de possíveis aguaceiros.
Informe-se sobre o local

Tadeu Brunelli/Divulgação
Pirajá (foto) se prepara para receber fumantes do lado externo, em local próximo às árvores
Pirajá (foto) se prepara para receber fumantes do lado externo, em local próximo às árvores

Hi Fi
Tem um ambiente instalado em um terraço completamente a céu aberto, onde será possível fumar. Segundo os proprietários, o espaço, que tem capacidade para 80 pessoas, receberá até hoje uma porta para que seja isolado do restante da construção.
Informe-se sobre o local

Pé de Manga
Em uma enorme área ao ar livre, reúne três grandes mangueiras e um pequeno lago. É nesse cenário, isolado do restante do bar por meio de portas, que estão cerca de 60 mesas onde o fumo é livre. O espaço, entretanto, só pode acolher tragos dos visitantes até a 1h, quando as mesas da área externa têm de ser recolhidas devido ao Programa de Silêncio Urbano (PSIU).
Informe-se sobre o local

Pirajá
Do lado externo dessa simpática esquina há uma área aberta, próxima às árvores. Lá, quando as janelas estiverem fechadas, até 60 clientes podem desfrutar do bom chope da casa na companhia do cigarro. Nas laterais, porém, o fumo segue proibido.
Informe-se sobre o local

San Sebastian
Um mezanino que não era utilizado pelo bar foi vedado com ajuda de uma porta de vidro para receber clientes fumantes. A área, que é descoberta, pode receber até 36 pessoas.
Informe-se sobre o local

Senzala Bar & Grill
Um amplo jardim, repleto de árvores, é o cenário onde os clientes podem desfrutar do cigarro. São 45 mesas isoladas do ambiente interno por meio de uma porta de vidro, que, segundo os donos do bar, será mantida fechada.
Informe-se sobre o local

O Torcedor
As longas colunas do estádio do Pacaembu fazem companhia para as mesas desse bar, que fica na praça Charles Miller. Em sua área externa, 44 mesas podem ser usadas por fumantes.
Informe-se sobre o local

Veredas
É em sua varanda, sem toldo ou proteção lateral, que estão dez mesas ideais para receber fumantes. O espaço é isolado por porta de vidro, mas só funciona até a 1h, quando as mesas têm de ser recolhidas por conta do Programa de Silêncio Urbano (PSIU).
Informe-se sobre o local

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This naturally originating inner radiance, uncreated from the very beginning. Is the parentless child of awareness – how amazing! It is the naturally originating pristine cognition, uncreated by anyone – how amazing! [This radiant awareness] has never been born and will never die – how amazing! Though manifestly radiant, it lacks an [extraneous] perceiver – how amazing! Though it has roamed throughout cyclic existence, it does not degenerate – how amazing! Though it has seen buddhahood itself, it does not improve – how amazing! Though it is present in everyone, it remains unrecognized – how amazing! Still, one hopes for some attainment other than this – how amazing! Though it is present within oneself, one continues to seek it elsewhere – how amazing! …The Tibetan Book of the Dead«

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Dehydroepiandrosterone

Publicado: julho 2, 2009 por Yogi em Capital, Nature, Science, Tech, Tudo
Tags:, , , ,

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

This article needs additional citations for verification.
Please help improve this article by adding reliable references. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed(January 2009)
Dehydroepiandrosterone
Systematic (IUPAC) name
(3S,8R,9S,10R,13S,14S)-3-hydroxy-10,13-dimethyl-1,2,3,4,7,8,9,11,12,14,15,16-dodecahydrocyclopenta[a]phenanthren-17-one
Identifiers
CAS number 53-43-0
ATC code A14AA07
PubChem 76
ChemSpider 5670
Chemical data
Formula C19H28O2 
Mol. mass 288.424 g/mol
Synonyms (3β)-3-Hydroxyandrost-5-en-17-one
Physical data
Melt. point 148.5 °C (299 °F)
Pharmacokinetic data
Bioavailability  ?
Metabolism Hepatic
Half life 12 hours
Excretion Urinary:?%
Therapeutic considerations
Pregnancy cat.

?

Legal status

Commercially available
(US), Rx Only (CA)

Routes Oral

Dehydroepiandrosterone 

Contents

 [hide]

[edit]Synonyms and brand names

Synonyms for dehydroepiandrosterone are:

3-beta-Hydroxy-5-androsten-17-one, 3.beta.-Hydroxyandrost-5-en-17-one, 3beta-hydroxy-5-androsten-17-one, 3beta-hydroxy-androst-5-en-17-one, 3beta-Hydroxy-D5-androsten-17-one, 3beta-Hydroxyandrost-5-en-17-one, 3beta-Hydroxyandrost-5-ene-17-one, 3-beta-hydroxy-etioallocholan-5-ene-17-one , 5-Androsten-3beta-ol-17-one,

Brand names for DHEA include Prastera, Prasterone, Fidelin and Fluasterone. Supplement versions are manufactured from wild Mexican yam.[citation needed]

[edit]Dehydroepiandrosterone sulfate

Dehydroepiandrosterone sulfate (DHEAS) is the sulfated version of DHEA. This conversion is reversibly catalyzed bysulfotransferase (SULT2A1) primarily in the adrenals, the liver, and small intestine. In the blood, most DHEA is found as DHEAS with levels that are about 300 times higher than those of free DHEA. Orally ingested DHEA is converted to its sulfate when passing through intestines and liver. Whereas DHEA levels naturally reach their peak in the early morning hours, DHEAS levels show no diurnal variation. From a practical point of view, measurement of DHEAS is preferable to DHEA, as levels are more stable.[citation needed]

[edit]Production

Production of DHEA from Cholesterol

Comprehensive overview ofSteroidogenesis, showing dehydroepiandrosterone at left among the androgens.

DHEA is produced from cholesterol through two cytochrome P450enzymes. Cholesterol is converted to pregnenolone by the enzyme P450 scc (side chain cleavage); then another enzyme, CYP17A1, convertspregnenolone to 17α-Hydroxypregnenolone and then to DHEA.[3]

[edit]Role

DHEA can be understood as a prohormone for the sex steroids. DHEAS may be viewed as buffer and reservoir. As most DHEA is produced by thezona reticularis of the adrenal, it is argued that there is a role in the immune and stress response.[who?]

As almost all DHEA is derived from the adrenal glands, blood measurements of DHEAS/DHEA are useful to detect excess adrenal activity as seen in adrenal cancer or hyperplasia, including certain forms of congenital adrenal hyperplasia. Women with polycystic ovary syndrome tend to have elevated levels of DHEAS.[4]

[edit]Effects and uses

This article should be divided into sections by topic, to make it more accessible. Please help by adding section headings in accordance with Wikipedia’s style guidelines.

Studies have shown that DHEA is useful in patients with systemic lupus erythematosus. An application of the evidence was discussed by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration in 2001 and is available online.[5] This review also shows that cholesterol and other serum lipids decrease with the use of DHEA (mainly a decrease in HDL-C and triglycerides can be expected in women, p110).

DHEA supplementation has been studied as a treatment for Alzheimer’s disease, but was found to be ineffective.[6] Some small placebo-controlled randomized clinical trial studies have found long-term supplementation to improve mood and relieve depression[7][8] or to decrease insulin resistance.[9] However, a larger placebo-controlledrandomized clinical trial reported in the New England Journal of Medicine in 2006 found that DHEA supplementation in elderly men and women had no beneficial effects on body composition, physical performance, insulin sensitivity, or quality of life.[10]

In contrast to the non-beneficial effects of DHEA on memory in the elderly, a randomised UK study[11] found that a 7-day course of DHEA (150 mg twice daily) improved episodic memory in healthy young men. In this study, DHEA was also shown to improve subjective mood and decrease evening cortisol concentration, which is known to be elevated in depression[12]. The effect of DHEA on memory appeared to be related to an early activation of the anterior cingulate cortex (ACC) and it was suggested this was due to neuronal recruitment of the steroid sensitive ACC that may be involved in pre-hippocampal memory processing.

DHEA supplements are sometimes used as muscle-building or performance-enhancing drugs by athletes. However, a randomized placebo-controlled trial found that DHEA supplementation had no effect on lean body mass, strength, or testosterone levels.[13]

A 1986 study found that a higher level of endogenous DHEA, as determined by a single measurement, correlated with a lower risk of death or cardiovascular disease.[14] However, a more recent 2006 study found no correlation between DHEA levels and risk of cardiovascular disease or death in men.[15] A 2007 study found the DHEA restored oxidative balance in diabetic patients, reducing tissue levels of pentosidine—a biomarker for advanced glycation endproducts.[16]

Some in vitro studies have found DHEA to have an anti-proliferative or apoptotic effect on cancer cell lines.[17][18][19] The clinical significance of these findings, if any, is unknown. Higher levels of DHEA, in fact, have been correlated with an increased risk of developing breast cancer in both pre- and postmenopausal women.[20][21]

An anonymous 2002 review, in the French journal Prescrire, concluded: DHEA plasma levels are so low in most animals that they are difficult to measure, hindering studies on DHEA and aging. DHEA had not yet, at the time of writing, been linked to any specific health disorder. Side effects are linked to its androgenic effects, unfavorable lipid metabolism effects, and “possible growth-stimulating effect” on hormone dependent malignancies. “In practice, there is currently no scientific reason to prescribe DHEA for any purpose whatsoever.”[22]

A 2005 study, measured serum DHEA in 206 men with type-2 diabetes, and found an inverse relationship between serum DHEA and carotid atherosclerosis in men. The authors say the study “supports the notion that DHEA, which is sold in increasing amount as a food supplement, is atheroprotective in humans, and that androgen replacement therapy should be considered for men with hypogonadism.”[23]

A 2006 study supplemented DHEA to men of average 65 years of age, and found that the men experienced significant increases in testosterone and cGMP (Cyclic guanosine monophosphate), and significant decreases in low-density liprotein (LDL). The authors say that the “findings…suggest that chronic DHEA supplementation would exert antiatherogenic effects, particularly in elderly subjects who display low circulating levels of this hormone.”[24]

A 2008 study in the Journal of the American Geriatrics Society, June 2008, measured serum DHEA in 940 men and women ranging from age 21 to 88, following them from 1978 until 2005. The researches found that low levels of DHEA-s showed a significant association with shorter lifespan and that higher DHEA-s levels are a “strong predictor” of longevity in men, even after adjusting for age, blood pressure, and plasma glucose. No relationship was found between serum DHEA and longevity for women during the study period. The study did not find a significant difference in longevity until the 15-year follow-up point, which the researchers note may explain why some past research that followed men for less duration found no relationship.[25]

[edit]Disputed effects

In the United States, DHEA or DHEAS have been advertised with claims that they may be beneficial for a wide variety of ailments. DHEA and DHEAS are readily available in the United States, where they are marketed as over-the-counter dietary supplements.[26] A 2004 review in the American Journal of Sports Medicineconcluded that “The marketing of this supplement’s effectiveness far exceeds its science.”[27] Because DHEA is converted to androstenedione and then testosterone, it has two chances to aromatize into estrogen- estrone from androstenedione, and estradiol from testosterone. As such, it is possible for increases in estrogen levels more than testosterone in men.

[edit]Increasing endogenous production

Regular exercise is known to increase DHEA production in the body.[28][29][30] Caloric restriction has also been shown to increase DHEA in primates.[31] Some theorize that the increase in endogenous DHEA brought about by caloric restriction is partially responsible for the longer life expectancy known to be associated with caloric restriction.[32]

[edit]Isomers

DHEA (Dehydroepiandrosterone) is really a meaningless term scientifically, since it isn’t descriptive of the actual molecule structure and could include a family of structures that are missing hydrogen atoms at one or more points in the molecule. DHEA can have many naturally occurring isomers that may have similar pharmacological effects. Some proven natural isomers of DHEA are 1-dehydroepiandrosterone (shown to be synthesized in pigs), 4-dehydroepiandrosterone (shown to occur in rats), 19NorDHEA (shown to occur in pigs and humans). These isomers are also technically DHEA, since they are dehydro epiandrosterones (removing hydrogens from the epiandrosterone skeleton).

(DHEA) is a multi-functional steroid that has been implicated in a broad range of biological effects in humans and other mammals. Together with its sulfate ester (DHEA-S), it is the most abundant steroid in humans. DHEA is produced by adrenal glands, but also sythesized de novo in the brain. It acts on theandrogen receptor both directly and through its metabolites, which include androstenediol and androstendione, which can undergo further conversion to produce the androgen testosterone and the estrogens estrone and estradiol.[1]DHEA is also a potent sigma-1 agonist.[2] It is considered a neurosteroid.[1]

Tunamar foi um navio japonês fabricado em 1973 e que ficou mais conhecido no Brasil pelo seu nome anterior, “Solana Star” (seu nome original foi “Foo Lang III”).

Em 1987 o então Solana Star, vindo da Austrália em direção aos EUA traficando 22 toneladas de maconha enlatada, teve que ir à costa brasileira para fazer reparos. Temendo serem abordados pela Marinha Brasileira, 13 de setembro de 1987 os tripulantes jogaram ao mar a carga de maconha. Das 22 toneladas a polícia só conseguiu apreender 3,5, fazendo com que o resto das latas ficassem à deriva no mar.

Muitas dessas latas acabaram sendo levadas pela correnteza às praias de São Paulo e principalmente do Rio de Janeiro, fazendo com que o período em que isso aconteceu ficasse conhecido como “o verão da lata” (1987/1988). O episódio ficou conhecido em todo o Brasil, e a banda do baixista ex-parceiro da Legião Urbana Renato Rocha chegou a ser batizada como “Solana Star”.

O navio foi depois disso apreendido e depois leiloado, convertendo-se em navio pesqueiro de Atum com um novo nome, “Tunamar”. Mas assim como o Titanic, ele acabou afundando em sua viagem inaugural (de Niterói com destino ao litoral de Santa Catarina) em 11 de outubro de 1994, devido à más condições do tempo. Vinte e dois tripulantes sobreviveram, outros dois morreram e nove ficaram desaparecidos no interior do navio.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Libertarian socialism

This equality and freedom would be achieved through the abolition of authoritarian institutions that own and control productive means as private property,[6] so that direct control of thesemeans of production and resources will be shared by society as a whole. Libertarian socialism also constitutes a tendency of thought that informs the identification, criticism and practical dismantling of illegitimate authority in all aspects of social life. Accordingly libertarian socialists believe that “the exercise of power in any institutionalized form – whether economic, political, religious, or sexual – brutalizes both the wielder of power and the one over whom it is exercised.”[7]

Libertarian socialists place their hopes in trade unionsworkers’ councilsmunicipalities, citizens’ assemblies, and other non-bureaucratic, decentralized means of direct democracy.[8] Many libertarian socialists advocate doing away with the state altogether, seeing it as a bulwark of capitalist class rule, while others propose that a minimal, non-hierarchical version is unobjectionable.[9]

Political philosophies commonly described as libertarian socialist include most varieties of anarchism (especially anarchist communismanarchist collectivismanarcho-syndicalism,[10]mutualism,[11] social ecology,[12] autonomism and council communism).[13] Some writers use libertarian socialism synonymously with anarchism[14] and in particular socialist anarchism.[15][16]

Contents

[edit]Overview

Noam Chomsky, a noted libertarian socialist.

Libertarian socialism is an ideology with diverse interpretations, though some general commonalities can be found in its many incarnations. Its proponents advocate a worker-oriented system of distribution that radically departs from capitalist economics (socialism).[17] They proposed that this economic system be executed in a manner that attempts to maximize the liberty of individuals and minimize concentration of power or authority (libertarianism). Libertarian socialists are strongly critical of coercive institutions, which often leads them to reject the legitimacy of the state in favor of anarchism.[18] Adherents attempt to achieve this through the decentralization of political and economic power, usually involving the socialization of most large-scale property and enterprise. Libertarian socialism denies the legitimacy of most forms of economically significant private property, because they view capitalist property relations as forms of domination that are antagonistic to individual freedom.[19]

The first person to describe himself as a libertarian was Joseph Déjacque, an early French anarchist communist. The word stems from the French wordlibertaire, and was used to evade the French ban on anarchist publications.[20] In the context of the European socialist movement, libertarian has conventionally been used to describe those who opposed state socialism, such as Mikhail Bakunin. In the United States, the movement most commonly called libertarianism follows a capitalist philosophy; the term libertarian socialism therefore strikes many Americans as a contradiction in terms. However, the association of socialism to libertarianism predates that of capitalism, and many anti-authoritarians still decry what they see as a mistaken association of capitalism to libertarianism in the United States.[21] As Noam Chomsky put it, a consistent libertarian “must oppose private ownership of the means of production and the wage slavery which is a component of this system, as incompatible with the principle that labor must be freely undertaken and under the control of the producer.”[22]

In a chapter recounting the history of libertarian socialism, radical economist Robin Hahnel relates that thus far the period where libertarian socialism has had its greatest impact was at the end of the 19th century through the first four decades of the twentieth century.

“Early in the twentieth century, libertarian socialism was as powerful a force as social democracy and communism. The Libertarian International – founded at the Congress of Saint Imier a few days after the split between Marxist and libertarians at the congress of the Socialist International held in The Hague in 1872 – competed successfully against social democrats and communists alike for the loyalty of anticapitalist activists, revolutionaries, workers, unions and political parties for over fifty years. Libertarian socialists played a major role in the Russian revolutions of 1905and 1917. Libertarian socialists played a dominant role in the Mexican Revolution of 1911. Twenty years after World War I was over, libertarian socialists were still strong enough to spearhead the social revolution that swept across Republican Spain in 1936 and 1937.”[23]

[edit]Anti-capitalism

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See also: Anti-capitalism

Libertarian socialists assert that when power is exercised, as exemplified by the economic, social, or physical dominance of one individual over another, the burden of proof is always on the authoritarian to justify their action as legitimate when taken against its effect of narrowing the scope of human freedom.[24] Typical examples of legitimate exercise of power would include the use of physical force to rescue someone from being injured by an oncoming vehicle, or self-defense. Libertarian socialists typically oppose rigid and stratified structures of authority, be they politicaleconomic, or social.[25]

Libertarian socialists believe that all social bonds should be developed by individuals who have an equal amount of bargaining power, that an accumulation of economic power in the hands of a few and the centralization of political power both reduce the bargaining power—and thus the liberty of the other individuals in society.[26] To put it another way, capitalist (and right-libertarian) principles concentrate economic power in the hands of those who own the most capital. Libertarian socialism aims to distribute power, and thus freedom, more equally amongst members of society. A key difference between libertarian socialism and free-market libertarianism is that advocates of the former generally believe that one’s degree of freedom is affected by one’s economic and social status, whereas advocates of the latter focus on freedom of choice. This is sometimes characterized as a desire to maximize “free creativity” in a society in preference to “free enterprise.”[27]

Libertarian socialists believe if freedom is valued, then society must work towards a system in which individuals have the power to decide economic issues along with political issues. Libertarian socialists seek to replace unjustified authority with direct democracy, voluntary federation, and popular autonomy in all aspects of life,[28] including physical communities and economic enterprises.

Many libertarian socialists argue that large-scale voluntary associations should manage industrial manufacture, while workers retain rights to the individual products of their labor.[29] As such, they see a distinction between the concepts of “private property” and “personal possession”. Whereas “private property” grants an individual exclusive control over a thing whether it is in use or not, and regardless of its productive capacity, “possession” grants no rights to things that are not in use.[30]

[edit]Opposition to the state

Part of the Politics series on
Anarchism
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See also: Anti-statism

Libertarian socialists regard concentrations of power as sources of oppression, leading many to oppose the state.

In lieu of states, libertarian socialists seek to organize themselves into voluntary associations (usually collectivescommunescooperativescommons, or syndicates) which use direct democracy or consensus for their decision-making process. Some libertarian socialists advocate combining these institutions using rotating, recallable delegates to higher-level federations.[31] Spanish anarchism is a major example of such federations in practice. Contemporary examples of libertarian socialist organizational and decision-making models in practice include a number of anti-capitalist and anti-globalisation movements[32] including: Zapatista Councils of Good Government and the Global Indymedia network (which covers 45 countries on 6 continents). There are also many examples of indigenous societies around the world whose political and economic systems can be accurately described as anarchist or libertarian socialist, each of which is unique and uniquely suited to the culture that birthed it.[33] For libertarians, that diversity of practice within a framework of common principles is proof of the vitality of those principles and of their flexibility and strength.

Contrary to popular opinion, libertarian socialism has not traditionally been a utopian movement, tending to avoid dense theoretical analysis or prediction of what a future society would or should look like. The tradition instead has been that such decisions cannot be made now, and must be made through struggle and experimentation, so that the best solution can be arrived at democratically and organically, and to base the direction for struggle on established historical example. Supporters often suggest that this focus on exploration over predetermination is one of their great strengths. They point out that the success of the scientific method comes from its adherence to open rational exploration, not its conclusions, rather than dogma and predetermined predictions.

Although critics claim that they are avoiding questions they cannot answer, libertarian socialists believe that a methodological approach to exploration is the best way to achieve their social goals. To them, dogmatic approaches to social organization are doomed to failure; and thus reject Marxist notions oflinear and inevitable historical progression. Noted anarchist Rudolf Rocker once stated, “I am an anarchist not because I believe anarchism is the final goal, but because there is no such thing as a final goal” (The London Years, 1956).

Because libertarian socialism encourages exploration and embraces a diversity of ideas rather than forming a compact movement, there have arisen inevitable controversies over individuals who describe themselves as libertarian socialists but disagree with some of the core principles of libertarian socialism. For example, Peter Hain interprets libertarian socialism as favoring radical decentralization of power without going as far as the complete abolition of the state[34] and libertarian socialist Noam Chomsky supports dismantling all forms of unjustified social or economic power, while also emphasizing that state intervention should be supported as a temporary protection while oppressive structures remain in existence.

Proponents are known for opposing the existence of states or government and refusing to participate in coercive state institutions. Indeed, in the past many refused to swear oaths in court or to participate in trials, even when they faced imprisonment[35] or deportation.[36]

[edit]Violent and non-violent means

Some libertarian socialists see violent revolution as necessary in the abolition of capitalist society. Along with many others, Errico Malatesta argued that the use of violence was necessary; as he put it in Umanità Nova (no. 125, September 6, 1921):

It is our aspiration and our aim that everyone should become socially conscious and effective; but to achieve this end, it is necessary to provide all with the means of life and for development, and it is therefore necessary to destroy with violence, since one cannot do otherwise, the violence which denies these means to the workers.[37]

Pierre-Joseph Proudhon argued in favor of a non-violent revolution. The progression towards violence in anarchism stemmed, in part, from the massacres of some of the communes inspired by the ideas of Proudhon and others. Many anarcho-communists began to see a need for revolutionary violence to counteract the violence inherent in both capitalism and government.[38]

[edit]Political roots

As Albert Meltzer and Stuart Christie stated in their book The Floodgates of Anarchy, anarchism has:

…its particular inheritance, part of which it shares with socialism, giving it a family resemblance to certain of its enemies. Another part of its inheritance it shares with liberalism, making it, at birth, kissing-cousins with American-type radical individualism, a large part of which has married out of the family into the Right Wing and is no longer on speaking terms. (The Floodgates of Anarchy, 1970, page 39.)

That is, anarchism arose as a cross between socialism and liberalism, incorporating the anti-capitalist attitude of socialists and the anti-statist, what would today be called libertarian, attitude of classical liberalismPierre-Joseph Proudhon, who is often considered the father of modern anarchism, coined the phrase “Property is theft” to describe part of his view on the complex nature of ownership in relation to freedom. When he said property is theft, he was referring to the capitalist who he believed stole profit from laborers. For Proudhon, the capitalist’s employee was “subordinated, exploited: his permanent condition is one of obedience.”[39]

Seventeen years (1857) after Proudhon first called himself an anarchist (1840), anarchist communist Joseph Déjacque was the first person to describe himself as a libertarian.[40] Outside the United States, “libertarian” generally refers to anti-authoritarian anti-capitalist ideologies.[41] For these reasons the term “libertarian socialism” is today almost synonymous with anarchism, outside of the US the term “libertarian socialism” would be considered redundant.

Back in the United States, Henry George spearheaded the Single Tax Movement, which sought socialism via progressive taxation, with tax only on natural resources. This might be seen as a predecessor to libertarian socialism trends there.

Libertarian socialism has its roots in both classical liberalism and socialism, though it is often in conflict with liberalism (especially neoliberalism and right-libertarianism) and authoritarianState socialism simultaneously. While libertarian socialism has roots in both socialism and liberalism, different forms have different levels of influence from the two traditions. For instancemutualist anarchism is more influenced by liberalism while communist and syndicalist anarchism are more influenced by socialism. It is interesting to note, however, that mutualist anarchism has its origins in 18th and 19th century European socialism (such as Fourierian socialism)[42][43] while communist and syndicalist anarchism has its earliest origins in early 18th century liberalism (such as the French Revolution).[44]

[edit]Conflict with Marxism

Mikhail Bakunin, 1814-1876.

In rejecting both capitalism and the state, some libertarian socialists align themselves with anarchists in opposition to both capitalist representative democracy and to authoritarian forms of Marxism. Although anarchists and Marxists share an ultimate goal of a stateless society, anarchists criticise most Marxists for advocating a transitional phase under which the state is used to achieve this aim. Nonetheless, libertarian Marxist tendencies such asautonomist Marxism and council communism have historically been intertwined with the anarchist movement. Anarchist movements have come into conflict with both capitalist and Marxist forces, sometimes at the same time, as in the Spanish Civil War, though as in that war Marxists themselves are often divided in support or opposition to anarchism. Other political persecutions under bureaucratic parties have resulted in a strong historical antagonism between anarchists and libertarian Marxists on the one hand and Leninist Marxists and their derivatives such as Maoists on the other. In recent history, however, libertarian socialists have repeatedly formed temporary alliances with Marxist-Leninist groups for the purposes of protest against institutions they both reject.

Part of this antagonism can be traced to the International Workingmen’s Association, the First International, a congress of radical workers, where Mikhail Bakunin, who was fairly representative of anarchist views, and Karl Marx, whom anarchists accused of being an “authoritarian”, came into conflict on various issues. Bakunin’s viewpoint on the illegitimacy of the state as an institution and the role of electoral politics was starkly counterposed to Marx’s views in the First International. Marx and Bakunin’s disputes eventually led to Marx taking control of the First International and expelling Bakunin and his followers from the organization. This was the beginning of a long-running feud and schism between libertarian socialists and what they call “authoritarian communists”, or alternatively just “authoritarians”.

Some Marxists have formulated views that closely resemble syndicalism, and thus express more affinity with anarchist ideas. Several libertarian socialists, notably Noam Chomsky, believe that anarchism shares much in common with certain variants of Marxism such as the council communism of Marxist Anton Pannekoek. In Chomsky’s Notes on Anarchism,[45] he suggests the possibility “that some form of council communism is the natural form of revolutionary socialism in an industrial society. It reflects the belief that democracy is severely limited when the industrial system is controlled by any form of autocratic elite, whether of owners, managers, and technocrats, a ‘vanguard’ party, or a State bureaucracy.”

Autonomist MarxismNeo-Marxism and Situationist theory are also regarded as being anti-authoritarian variants of Marxism that are firmly within the libertarian socialist tradition. Similarly,William Morris is regarded as both a libertarian socialist and a Marxist.[citation needed]

[edit]Notable libertarian socialist tendencies

[edit]Mutualism

Proudhon and his children, by Gustave Courbet (1865).

Mutualism is a political and economic theory largely associated with Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. Proudhon was in favor of private ownership of the means of production for small enterprises, but in large scale enterprises supported replacing wage labour by workers’ co-operatives, arguing “it is necessary to form an ASSOCIATION among workers . . . because without that, they would remain related as subordinates and superiors, and there would ensue two . . . castes of masters and wage-workers, which is repugnant to a free and democratic society.”[46] Mutualists believe that a free labor market would allow for conditions of equal income in proportion to exerted labor.[47] As Jonathan Beecher puts it, Proudhon’s aim was to, “emancipate labor from the constraints imposed by capital”.[48]

Proudhon supported individual possession of land rather than community ownership. However, Proudhon believed that an individual only had a right to land while he was using or occupying it. If the individual ceases doing so, it reverts to unowned land.[49]Mutualists hold a labor theory of value, arguing that in exchange labor should always be worth “the amount of labor necessary to produce an article of exactly similar and equal utility,”[47] and considering anything less to be exploitation, theft of labor, or usury.

Mutualists oppose the institutions by which individuals gain income through loans, investments, and rent, as they believe the income received through these activities is not in direct accord with labor spent.[47] In place of these capitalist institutions they advocatelabor-owned cooperative firms and associations.[50] Mutualists advocate mutual banks, owned by the workers, that do not charge interest on secured loans. Most mutualists believe that anarchy should be achieved gradually rather than through revolution.[51]

Worker cooperatives such as the Mondragón Cooperative Corporation follow an economic model similar to that of mutualism. The model followed by the corporation WL Gore and Associates, inventor of Gore-Tex fabrics, is also similar to mutualism as there is no chain of command and salaries are determined collectively by the workers.

G.D.H. Cole‘s guild socialism was similar to mutualism.[52] Today, mutualism’s stress on worker association is similar to the more developed modern theory of Participatory Economics, although Participatory Economists do not believe in markets.

Mutualist anarchist ideas continue to have influence today, even if indirectly. Many modern day cooperatives are influenced directly or indirectly by economic mutualism that became popular in the late 19th century.[53]

Some individualist anarchists, such as Benjamin Tucker, were influenced by Proudhon’s Mutualism, but unlike Proudhon, they did not call for “association” in large enterprises.[54]

[edit]Anarchist communism

Main article: Anarchist communism

Anarchist communism was first formulated in the Italian section of the First International, by Carlo CafieroErrico MalatestaAndrea Costa, and other ex-Mazzinian republicans. Out of respect for Mikhail Bakunin, they did not make their differences from standard anarchism explicit until after the latter’s death.[55] In 1876, at the Florence Conference of the Italian Federation of the International (which was actually held in a forest outside Florence, due to police activity), they declared the principles of anarcho-communism, beginning with:

“The Italian Federation considers the collective property of the products of labour as the necessary complement to the collectivist programme, the aid of all for the satisfaction of the needs of each being the only rule of production and consumption which corresponds to the principle of solidarity. The federal congress at Florence has eloquently demonstrated the opinion of the Italian International on this point…”

This report was made in an article by Malatesta and Cafiero in the (Swiss) Jura federation‘s bulletin later that year. Cafiero notes, in Anarchie et Communisme, that private property in the product of labor will lead to unequal accumulation of capital, and therefore undesirable class distinctions.

Anarcho-communists hold that the liberation of the individual, as well as the abolition of wage slavery and the State, requires the introduction of a free distribution economy, and therefore the abolition of the market.[56] In this belief they are contrasted with some anarchists and libertarian socialists who advocate collective ownership with market elements and sometimes barter. Anarcho-communists assert that a gift economy can be operated by collectives through direct democracy.

As Peter Kropotkin put it, “We must recognize, and loudly proclaim, that every one, whatever his grade in the old society, whether strong or weak, capable or incapable, has, before everything, THE RIGHT TO LIVE, and that society is bound to share amongst all, without exception, the means of existence at its disposal.” (Conquest of Bread ch. 3)

[edit]Anarcho-syndicalism

Main article: Anarcho-syndicalism

Anarcho-syndicalism is a branch of anarchism which focuses on the labor movement.[57] Anarcho-syndicalists view labor unions as a potential force for revolutionary social change, replacing capitalism and the State with a new society democratically self-managed by workers.

The basic principles of anarcho-syndicalism are:

  1. Workers’ solidarity
  2. Direct action
  3. Workers’ self-management

Flag used by Anarcho-syndicalists and Anarcho-Communists.

Workers’ solidarity means that anarcho-syndicalists believe all workers—no matter their racegender, or ethnic group—are in a similar situation in regard to their boss (class consciousness). Furthermore, it means that, within capitalism, any gains or losses made by some workers from or to bosses will eventually affect all workers. Therefore, to liberate themselves, all workers must support one another in their class conflict.

Anarcho-syndicalists believe that only direct action—that is, action concentrated on directly attaining a goal, as opposed to indirect action, such as electing a representative to a government position—will allow workers to liberate themselves.[58]

Moreover, anarcho-syndicalists believe that workers’ organizations (the organizations that struggle against the wage system, which, in anarcho-syndicalist theory, will eventually form the basis of a new society) should be self-managing. They should not have bosses or “business agents”; rather, the workers should be able to make all the decisions that affect them themselves.

Rudolf Rocker was one of the most popular voices in the anarcho-syndicalist movement. He outlined a view of the origins of the movement, what it sought, and why it was important to the future of labor in his 1938 pamphlet Anarcho-Syndicalism.

The International Workers Association is an international anarcho-syndicalist federation of various labor unions from different countries. The Spanish Confederación Nacional del Trabajoplayed and still plays a major role in the Spanish labor movement. It was also an important force in the Spanish Civil War.

[edit]Council communism

Main article: Council Communism

Council communism was a radical Left movement originating in Germany and the Netherlands in the 1920s. Its primary organization was the Communist Workers Party of Germany (KAPD). Council communism continues today as a theoretical and activist position within Marxism, and also within libertarian socialism. The central argument of council communism, in contrast to those of Social democracy and Leninist communism, is that workers’ councils arising in the factories and municipalities are the natural and legitimate form of working class organisation and government power. This view is opposed to the reformist and Bolshevik stress on vanguard partiesparliaments, or the State.

The core principle of council communism is that the state and the economy should be managed by workers’ councils, composed of delegates elected at workplaces and recallable at any moment. As such, council communists oppose state-run “bureaucratic socialism”. They also oppose the idea of a “revolutionary party”, since council communists believe that a revolution led by a party will necessarily produce a party dictatorship. Council communists support a workers’ democracy, which they want to produce through a federation of workers’ councils.

The Russian word for council is “soviet,” and during the early years of the revolution worker’s councils were politically significant in Russia. It was to take advantage of the aura of workplace power that the word became used by Lenin for various political organs. Indeed, the name “Supreme Soviet,” by which the parliament was called; and that of the Soviet Union itself make use of this terminology, but they do not imply any decentralization.

Furthermore, council communists held a critique of the Soviet Union as a capitalist state, believing that the Bolshevik revolution in Russia became a “bourgeois revolution” when a party bureaucracy replaced the old feudal aristocracy. Although most felt the Russian Revolution was working class in character, they believed that, since capitalist relations still existed (because the workers had no say in running the economy), the Soviet Union ended up as a state capitalist country, with the state replacing the individual capitalist. Thus, council communists support workers’ revolutions, but oppose one-party dictatorships.

Council communists also believed in diminishing the role of the party to one of agitation and propaganda, rejected all participation in elections or parliament, and argued that workers should leave the reactionary trade unions and form one big revolutionary union.

[edit]Within the political mainstream

There was a strong libertarian current in the British labour movement and the term “libertarian socialist” has been applied to a number of democratic socialists, including some prominent members of the British Labour Party. The Socialist League was formed in 1885 by William Morris and others critical of the authoritarian socialism of the Social Democratic Federation. It was involved in the New Unionism, the rank and file union militancy of the 1880s-90s which anticipated syndicalism in some key ways (Tom Mann, a New Unionist leader, was one of the first British syndicalists). The Socialist League was dominated by anarchists by the 1890s.[59]

The Independent Labour Party, formed at that time, drew more on the Non-Conformist religious traditions in the British working class than on Marxist theory, and had a libertarian strain. Others in the tradition of the ILP, and described as libertarian socialists, have been Nye BevanMichael FootRobin Cook, and most importantly, G. D. H. Cole. Labour minister Peter Hainhas written in support of libertarian socialism, identifying an axis involving a “bottom-up vision of socialism, with anarchists at the revolutionary end and democratic socialists [such as himself] at its reformist end”, as opposed to the axis of state socialism with Marxist-Leninists at the revolutionary end and social democrats at the reformist end.[60] Defined in this way, libertarian socialism in the contemporary political mainstream is distinguished from modern social democracy principally by its political decentralism rather than by its economics. Katja Kipping of DresdenGermany is an example of a contemporary libertarian socialist politician operating within a mainstream government.

[edit]Within the New Left

Main article: New Left

The emergence of the New Left in the 1950s and 1960s led to a revival of interest in libertarian socialism.[61] The New Left’s critique of the Old Left‘s authoritarianism was associated with a strong interest in personal liberty, autonomy (see the thinking of Cornelius Castoriadis) and led to a rediscovery of older socialist traditions, such as left communismcouncil communism, and the Industrial Workers of the World. The New Left also led to a revival of anarchism. Journals like Radical America and Black Mask in America, SolidarityBig Flame and Democracy & Nature, succeeded by The International Journal of Inclusive Democracy,[62] in the UK, introduced a range of left libertarian ideas to a new generation. Social ecologyautonomism and, more recently, participatory economics (parecon), and Inclusive Democracy emerged from this.

[edit]Social ecology

Main article: Social ecology

Social ecology is closely related to the work and ideas of Murray Bookchin and influenced by anarchist Peter Kropotkin. Social ecologists assert that the present ecological crisis has its roots in human social problems, and that the domination of human-over-nature stems from the domination of human-over-human.[63]

Politically, social ecologists advocate a network of directly democratic citizens’ assemblies organized in a confederal fashion. This approach is called Libertarian Municipalism. Economically, social ecologists favour libertarian communism and the principle “from each according to ability, to each according to need.”[citation needed]

[edit]Libertarian socialism in modern times

Libertarian socialists in the early 21st century have been involved in the squatter movement; social centersinfoshops; anti-poverty groups such as OCAP and Food Not Bombstenants’unions; housing cooperativesintentional communities generally and egalitarian communities; anti-sexist organizing; grassroots media initiatives; digital media and computer activism; experiments in participatory economicsanti-racist and anti-fascist groups like Anti-Racist Action and Anti-Fascist Action; activist groups protecting the rights of immigrants and promoting the free movement of people, such as the No Border network and No One is Illegalworker co-operativescountercultural and artist groups; and the peace movement etc.

Libertarian Socialists have, also, an MP in Turkish Parliament; Ufuk Uras, selected in 2007 General Elections in Turkey.[64]

[edit]Criticism of libertarian socialism

Some capitalist libertarians argue that freedom and equality are often in conflict with one another, and that promoting equality (as valued by socialism) will inherently require restrictions on liberty (as valued by libertarianism), forcing the society to choose one or the other as their primary value. The Kurt Vonnegut story “Harrison Bergeron“, in which equality is enforced by imposing physical and mental handicaps on overachievers, can be seen as illustrating this point through hyperbole (though Vonnegut’s own belief in socialism is a point of interest).[65]

Libertarian socialists typically dismiss the perceived contradiction between freedom and equality as a red herringNoam Chomsky states that, “human talents vary considerably, within a fixed framework that is characteristic of the species and that permits ample scope for creative work, including the appreciation of the creative achievements of others. This should be a matter of delight rather than a condition to be abhorred.”[66]

Other libertarian philosophers (often referred to as liberals, in the classical sense) such as Frederic BastiatLudwig von MisesMurray Rothbard, and Hans-Hermann Hoppe, stress that liberty is a state of affairs in which one is free from the unjustified aggression of others, and that any understanding of liberty must be grounded in natural rights – and especially property rights. Thus, they argue that absolute freedom for all is not a contradiction, and that the abolition of natural rights (including property rights) would, by definition, also be the abolition of liberty.[67][68][69] As Ludwig von Mises, an Austrian economist, put it, “The continued existence of society depends upon private property.”[70]

Libertarian socialists believe that this criticism stems from a misconception that conflates simple possession with private property as a legal and social institution. For libertarian socialists, the latter produces exploitation and oppression (Proudhon’s “theft” and “despotism”) and so reduces individual freedom for the working class to the ability to change masters.[71] As such, they argue, liberalism fails to understand how private property undermines liberty.[72] For libertarian socialists, “[t]o demonise state authoritarianism while ignoring identical albeit contract-consecrated subservient arrangements in the large-scale corporations which control the world economy is fetishism at its worst.”[73]

[edit]Libertarian socialist periodicals

[edit]See also

(sometimes called socialist anarchism,[1][2] and sometimes left libertarianism[3][4]) is a group of political philosophies that aspire to create a society without political, economic, or social hierarchies, i.e. a society in which all violent or coercive institutions would be dissolved (or at least drastically reduced in scope), and in their place every person would have free, equal access to the tools of information and production.[5]